Le gallicanisme est une doctrine religieuse et politique française, mise en place sous l'Ancien Régime, qui cherche à organiser l'Église catholique du royaume de France, de façon autonome par rapport au pape. À partir du xviie siècle et surtout au xixe, un courant de pensée contradictoire se développe : l'ultramontanisme, qui vise à faire reconnaitre l'infaillibilité pontificale et affaiblit la doctrine gallicane. À la suite de la loi de séparation des Églises et de l'État, votée en 1905, la doctrine gallicane n'est plus une idéologie politique. 

Le gallicanisme désigne une doctrine dont le nom dérive du latin Gallia qui signifie Gaule. Elle est développée en France entre le xve et le xixe siècle. Selon cette doctrine, l’Église s'organise à l'échelle de la France, en respectant les lois de l’État et ne reconnait au pape qu'un pouvoir spirituel. La doctrine est parfois qualifiée de courant politique.

La doctrine prend d'abord place auprès des souverains (Philippe le Bel, Charles VII, Louis XIV) qui organisent un fonctionnement politique où le pape ne préside qu'aux questions relevant du dogme et de la foi. Il s'agit par exemple de la Pragmatique Sanction de Bourges, promulguée en 1438, et de la Déclaration des Quatre articles, adoptée en 1682. Le souverain du Royaume de France prend à sa charge (ou délègue à une réunion des évêques de France), les nominations des évêques et des abbés, le prélèvement de l'impôt ecclésiastique tel que la dîme.

D'une part, le gallicanisme réduit l'intervention du pape au seul pouvoir spirituel et ne lui reconnaît pas de rôle dans le domaine temporel. D'autre part, s'il reconnaît au pape une primauté spirituelle et juridictionnelle, il cherche à la limiter fortement, au bénéfice des conciles généraux dans l'Église (qui définissent le conciliarisme), des évêques dans leurs diocèses et des souverains dans leurs États. En pratique, cela se traduit surtout par une mainmise étroite du souverain français sur les nominations et les décisions des évêques.

Jean Delumeau distingue le gallicanisme ecclésiastique, qui est une position théologique et ecclésiologique antérieure et ultérieure à la Réforme, le gallicanisme régalien et le gallicanisme parlementaire, qui est une doctrine politique et administrative. Très largement partagée par les juristes français de l'Ancien Régime et du xixe siècle, cette troisième grande tendance du gallicanisme a contribué à la construction doctrinale de l'État moderne.

L'ultramontanisme (du latin ultra, « au-delà de », et montis, « montagne ») qualifie un courant politique qui s'exprime en opposition au gallicanisme, entre le xviie et le xixe siècle. Initialement défendu par les jansénistes, il est repris par des penseurs catholiques, tels que Félicité de La Mennais à ses debuts. Les penseurs ultramontains considèrent que la seule autorité qui existe dans l'Église catholique, dogme et administration, doit venir du pape.

Après la Restauration, l'ultime sursaut du gallicanisme parlementaire (c'est-à-dire politique) se manifeste avec la parution en 1845 du Manuel sur le droit ecclésiastique français d'André Dupin.

La doctrine gallicane perd de son influence lorsque le dogme de l'infaillibilité pontificale est voté lors du premier concile du Vatican (1869-1870)

Avec la loi de 1905, qui organise la séparation des Églises et de l'État et l'institutionnalisation du principe de laïcité, le gallicanisme n'est plus une doctrine politique et le principe fait débat surtout dans les communautés religieuses.

Gallicanism is the belief that popular civil authority, often represented by the monarch's or the state's authority, over the Catholic Church is comparable to that of the Pope. Gallicanism is a rejection of ultramontanism; it has something in common with Anglicanism but is nuanced in that it plays down the authority of the Pope in church without denying that there are some traditional elements to the office associated with being primus inter pares ("first among equals"). Other terms for the same or similar doctrines include Erastianism, Febronianism, and Josephinism.

Gallicanism originated in France (the term derives from Gallia, the Latin name of Gaul), and is unrelated to the first-millennium Catholic Gallican Rite. In the 18th century, it spread to the Low Countries, especially the Netherlands. The University of Notre Dame professor John McGreevy defines it as "the notion that national customs might trump Roman (Catholic Church) regulations."

Gallicanism is a group of religious opinions that were, for some time, peculiar to the Catholic Church in France. These opinions opposed the idea called ultramontane, which means "across the mountains" (the Alps). Ultramontanism affirmed the authority of the Pope over the temporal kingdoms of the rest of Europe, particularly emphasizing a supreme episcopate for the Bishop of Rome holding immediate universal jurisdiction. This eventually led to the definition by the Roman Catholic Church of the dogma of papal infallibility at the First Vatican Council.

Gallicanism tended to restrain the Pope's authority in favour of that of bishops and the people's representatives in the State or the monarch. But the most respected proponents of Gallican ideas did not contest the Pope's primacy in the Church, merely his supremacy and doctrinal infallibility. They believed their way of regarding the authority of the Pope, more in line with that of the Conciliar movement and akin to the Orthodox and Anglicans, was more in conformity with Holy Scripture and tradition. At the same time, they believed their theory did not transgress the limits of free opinions.

The Declaration of the Clergy of France of 1682 is made up of four articles:

1. St. Peter and the popes, his successors, and the Church have dominion from God only over things spiritual and not temporal and civil. Therefore, kings and sovereigns are not beholden to the church in deciding temporal things. The church cannot depose them, and the church cannot absolve their subjects from their oaths of allegiance.

2. The authority in things spiritual belongs to the Holy See and the successors of St. Peter. It does not affect the decrees of the Council of Constance contained in the fourth and fifth sessions of that council, which the Gallican Church observes. The Gallicans disapprove of casting slurs on those decrees.

3. This Apostolic authority (puissance) must be regulated by canons (rules) established by the Holy Spirit through the centuries of Church history.

4. Although the pope has the top part in questions of faith, and his decrees apply to all the Churches, and to each Church in particular, his judgment is not irreformable, at least pending the consent of the Church.

According to the initial Gallican theory, papal primacy was first limited by the temporal power of monarchs, which, by divine will, was inviolable. Secondly, it was limited by the authority of the general councils and the bishops and the canons and customs of particular churches, which the pope was bound to consider when he exercised his authority.

Gallicanism was more than pure theory; the bishops and magistrates of France used it, the former to increase power in the government of dioceses, the latter to extend their jurisdiction to cover ecclesiastical affairs. There was also episcopal and political Gallicanism and parliamentary or judicial Gallicanism. The former lessened the doctrinal authority of the pope in favour of that of the bishops to the degree marked by the Declaration of 1682, and the latter augmented the rights of the state.

There were eighty-three "Liberties of the Gallican Church", according to a collection drawn by jurisconsults Guy Coquille and Pierre Pithou. Besides the four articles cited above, which were incorporated, these Liberties included the following:

• The Kings of France had the right to assemble councils in their dominions and make laws and regulations about ecclesiastical matters.

• The pope's legates could not be sent into France or exercise their power within that kingdom except at the king's request or with his consent.

• Even when commanded by the pope, bishops could not leave the kingdom without the king's consent.

• Royal officers could not be excommunicated for any act performed in the discharge of their official duties.

• The pope could not authorize the alienation of any landed estate of the Churches or the diminishing of any foundations.

• His Bulls and Letters might only be executed with the Pareatis of the king or his officers.

• He could not issue dispensations to the prejudice of the laudable customs and statutes of the cathedral Churches.

• It was lawful to appeal from him to a future council or to have recourse to the "appeal as from an abuse" against acts of the ecclesiastical power.

Parliamentary Gallicanism, therefore, was of much wider scope than episcopal; indeed, it was often disputed by the bishops of France, and about twenty of them condemned Pierre Pithou's book when a new edition of it was published, in 1638, by the brothers Dupuy.

In the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, John Kilcullen wrote that "in France, conciliarism was one of the sources of Gallicanism."

Proponents of Gallicanism presented several theories as to its origin.

• The more moderate held that Gallican ideas and liberties were simply privileges — concessions made by the popes, who had been quite willing to divest themselves of a part of their authority in favour of the bishops or kings of France. Thus the extension of the king's authority in ecclesiastical matters was not new. This idea appeared as early as the reign of Philip the Fair, in some of that monarch's protests against Pope Boniface VIII's policy. In the view of some partisans of the theory, the popes had always thought fit to show special consideration for the ancient customs of the Gallican Church, which in every age had distinguished itself by its exactitude in the preservation of the Faith and the maintenance of ecclesiastical discipline.

• Others dated the Gallican approach to the early Carolingians and explained them somewhat differently when the popes found it necessary to delegate certain prerogatives to the king to exert some control on the Frankish nobles who had taken possession of episcopal sees. The popes had, therefore, granted to Carloman, Pepin, and Charlemagne a spiritual authority which they were to exercise only under papal control; which authority had been inherited by their successors, the Kings of France.

Most Gallicans rejected the first theory that described the Gallican liberties as time-honoured privileges since a privilege can permanently be revoked by the authority granted it. This was unacceptable, as they maintained that the pope could not revoke them. The Ultramontanes pointed out that in that case, such liberties would also be claimed by the German emperors, heirs of Charlemagne, and that was not the case. Moreover, the pope cannot grant some privileges, such as allowing any king to suppress or curtail his liberty of communicating with the faithful in a particular territory.

Most of its partisans regarded Gallicanism as a revival of the most ancient traditions of Christianity, found in the conciliar decrees of the earliest centuries or in canon laws of the general and local councils, and the decretals, ancient and modern, which were received in France. "Of all Christian countries", says Fleury, "France has been the most careful to conserve the liberty of her Church and oppose the novelties introduced by Ultramontane canonists". They argued that the popes had extended their priority based upon false Decretals rather than Divine law. What the Gallicans maintained in 1682 was not a collection of novelties, but a body of beliefs as old as the Church, the discipline of the first centuries. The Church of France had upheld and practised them at all times; the Church Universal had believed and practised them in the past, until about the tenth century; St. Louis had supported, but not created, them by the Pragmatic Sanction; the Council of Constance had taught them with the pope's approbation. Then, Gallican ideas must have had no origin other than Christian dogma and ecclesiastical discipline.

To the similarity of the historical vicissitudes through which they passed, their shared political allegiance, and the early appearance of national sentiment, the Churches of France owed it that they very soon formed an individual, compact, and homogeneous body. From the end of the fourth century, the popes recognized this solidarity. To the "Gallican" bishops, Pope Damasus addressed the most ancient decretal, which has been preserved to our times (Babut 1904). Two centuries later, St. Gregory the Great pointed out the Gallican Church to his envoy Augustine, the Apostle of England, as one of those whose customs he might accept as of equal stability with those of the Roman Church or any other whatsoever. But already (if we credit Babut's findings), a Council of Turin, at which bishops of the Gauls took part, had given the first manifestation of Gallican sentiment. Unfortunately for Babut's thesis, all the signs he attaches to this council depend upon the date, 417, ascribed to it by him, on the mere strength of a personal conjecture, in opposition to the most competent historians. Besides, it is not at all plain how a council of the Province of Milan is to be taken as representing the ideas of the Gallican Church.

In truth, that Church, during the Merovingian period, testifies the same deference to the Holy See as do all the others. Common questions of discipline are in the ordinary course settled in councils, often held with the permission of the kings. Still, on great occasions – the Council of Epaone (517), Vaison (529), Valence (529), Orléans (538), Tours (567) – the bishops declare that they are acting under the impulse of the Holy See, or defer to its admonitions; they take pride in the approbation of the pope; they cause his name to be read aloud in the churches, just as is done in Italy and in Africa they cite his decretals as a source of canon law; they show anger at the mere idea that anyone should fail in consideration for them. Bishops condemned in councils (like Salonius of Embrun, Sagittarius of Gap, and Contumeliosus of Riez) have no difficulty in appealing to the pope, who, after examination, either confirms or rectifies the sentence pronounced against them.

The accession of the Carolingian dynasty is marked by a splendid act of homage paid in France to the papacy's power. Before assuming the title of king, Pepin made a point of securing the consent of Pope Zachary. Without exaggerating the significance of this act, the bearing of which the Gallicans have done everything to minimize, one may still see it as evidence that even before Gregory VII, public opinion in France was not hostile to the pope's intervention in political affairs. From then on, the advances of the Roman primacy find no severe opponents in France before Hincmar, Archbishop of Reims. With him, there appears the idea that the pope must limit his activity to ecclesiastical matters and not intrude in those about the State, which concern kings only; that his supremacy is bound to respect the prescriptions of the ancient canons and the privileges of the Churches; and that his decretals must not be placed upon the same footing as the canons of the councils. His attitude stands out as isolated. The Council of Troyes (867) proclaims that no bishop can be deposed without reference to the Holy See, and the Council of Douzy (871) condemns Hincmar of Laon only under the reserve of the pope's rights.

With the first Capets, the temporal relations between the pope and the Gallican Church were momentarily strained. At the Councils of Saint-Basle de Verzy (991) and of Chelles (c. 993), in the discourses of Arnoul, Bishop of Orléans, in the letters of Gerbert, afterwards Pope Sylvester II, sentiments of violent hostility to the Holy See are manifested, and an evident determination to elude the authority in matters of discipline which had until then been recognized as belonging to it. But the papacy at that period, given over to the tyranny of Crescentius and other local barons, was temporarily declined. When it regained its independence, its old authority in France came back to it; the work of the Councils of Saint-Basle and Chelles was undone; princes like Hugh Capet and bishops like Gerbert held no attitude but that of submission. It has been said that during the early Capetian period, the pope was more influential in France than ever. Under Gregory VII, the pope's legates traversed France from north to south, they convened and presided over numerous councils, and, despite sporadic and incoherent acts of resistance, they deposed bishops and excommunicated princes just as in Germany and Spain.

We can still see no clear evidence of Gallicanism in the following two centuries. The pontifical power attains its apogee in France as elsewhere, St. Bernard and St. Thomas Aquinas outline the theory of that power, and their opinion is that of the school in accepting the attitude of Gregory VII and his successors regarding delinquent princes. St. Louis IX, whom some tried to represent as a patron of the Gallican system, is still ignorant of it — for the fact is now established that the Pragmatic Sanction of 1269, long attributed to him, was a wholesale fabrication put together (about 1445) in the vicinities of the Royal Chancellery of Charles VII to lend countenance to the Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges. (Löffler 1911)

At the opening of the fourteenth century, however, the conflict between Philip the Fair and Boniface VIII brings out the first glimmerings of the Gallican ideas. That king does not confine himself to maintaining that, as sovereign, he is a sole and independent master of his temporalities; he haughtily proclaims that, in virtue of the concession made by the pope, with the consent of a general council to Charlemagne and his successors, he has the right to dispose of vacant ecclesiastical benefices. With the consent of the nobility, the Third Estate, and a significant part of the clergy, he appeals the matter from Boniface VIII to a future general council, the implication being that the council is superior to the pope. The same ideas and others still more hostile to the Holy See reappear in the struggle of Fratricelles and Louis of Bavaria against Pope John XXII; they are expressed by the pens of William of Occam, of John of Jandun, and of Marsilius of Padua, professors in the University of Paris. Among other things, they deny the divine origin of the papal primacy and subject the exercise of it to the good pleasure of the temporal ruler. Following the pope, the University of Paris condemned these views. Still, for all that, they did not entirely disappear from the school's memory or the disputations, for the principal work of Marsilius, Defensor Pacis, was translated into French in 1375, probably by a professor of the University of Paris. The Western Schism reawakened them suddenly.

The idea of a council naturally suggested itself as a means of healing that unfortunate division of Christendom. Upon that idea was soon grafted the conciliary theory, which sets the council above the pope, making it the sole representative of the Church, the sole organ of infallibility. Timidly sketched by two professors of the University of Paris, Conrad of Gelnhausen and Henry of Langenstein, this theory was completed and noisily interpreted to the public by Pierre d'Ailly and Gerson. At the same time, the clergy of France, disgusted with Benedict XIII, withdrew from his obedience. It was in the assembly which voted on this measure (1398) that, for the first time, there was any question of bringing back the Church of France to its ancient liberties and customs — of giving its prelates once more the right of conferring and disposing of benefices. The same idea comes into the foreground in the claims put forward in 1406 by another assembly of the French clergy; to win the assembly's votes, certain orators cited the example of what was happening in England. Johannes Haller concluded from this that these so-called Ancient Liberties were of English origin, that the Gallican Church borrowed them from its neighbour, only imagining them to be a revival of its past. This opinion does not seem well founded. The precedents cited by Haller go back to the parliament held at Carlisle in 1307. At this date, the tendencies of reaction against papal reservations had already manifested themselves in the assemblies convoked by Philip the Fair in 1302 and 1303. The most that we can admit is, that the same ideas received parallel development from both sides of the channel.

Together with the restoration of the "Ancient Liberties," the assembly of the clergy in 1406 intended to maintain the superiority of the council to the pope and the fallibility of the latter. However widely they may have been accepted at the time, these were only individual opinions or opinions of a school when the Council of Constance came to give them the sanction of its high authority. In its fourth and fifth sessions, it declared that the council represented the Church and that every person, no matter what dignity, even the pope, was bound to obey it in what concerned the destruction of the schism and the reform of the Church; that even the pope, if he resisted obstinately, might be constrained by the process of law to obey it in the above-mentioned points. This was the birth or, if we prefer to call it so, the legitimation of Gallicanism. So far, we had encountered in the history of the Gallican Church recriminations of malcontent bishops or a violent gesture of some prince discomforted in his mercenary designs, but these were only fits of resentment or ill-humour, accidents with no attendant consequences; this time, the provisions made against the exercise of the pontifical authority had a lasting effect. Gallicanism had implanted itself in the minds of men as a national doctrine, and it only remained to apply it in practice. This is to be the work of the Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges. In that instrument, the clergy of France inserted the articles of Constance repeated at Basle and, upon that warrant, assumed authority to regulate the collation of benefices and the temporal administration of the Churches on the sole basis of the common law, under the king's patronage, and independently of the pope's action. From Eugene IV to Leo X, the popes did not cease to protest against the Pragmatic Sanction until it was replaced by the Concordat of Bologna in 1516. But, if its provisions disappeared from the laws of France, the principles it embodied for a time nonetheless continued to inspire the schools of theology and parliamentary jurisprudence. Those principles even appeared at the Council of Trent, where the ambassadors, theologians, and bishops of France repeatedly championed them, notably when the council discussed whether episcopal jurisdiction comes immediately from God or through the pope, whether or not the council ought to ask confirmation of its decrees from the sovereign pontiff, etc. Then again, it was in the name of the Liberties of the Gallican Church that a part of the clergy and the Parlementaires opposed the publication of the Council of Trent, and the crown decided to detach from it and publish what seemed good, in the form of ordinances emanating from the royal authority.

The assassination of Henry IV, which was exploited to move public opinion against Ultramontanism and the activity of Edmond Richer, syndic of the Sorbonne, brought about, at the beginning of the seventeenth century, a revival of Gallicanism. In 1663 the Sorbonne declared that it admitted no authority of the pope over the king's temporal dominion, his superiority to a general council, or infallibility apart from the Church's consent.

In 1682, Louis XIV had decided to extend to all the Churches of his kingdom the Droit de regale, or right of receiving the revenue of vacant sees and of conferring the saw themselves at his pleasure; Pope Innocent XI opposed the king's designs. The king assembled the clergy of France and, on 19 March 1682, the thirty-six prelates and thirty-four deputies of the second order who constituted that assembly adopted the four articles summarized above and transmitted them to all France's other bishops and archbishops. Three days later, the king commanded the registration of the articles in all the schools and faculties of theology; no one could be admitted to degrees in theology without having maintained this doctrine in one of his theses, and it was forbidden to write anything against them. Pope Innocent XI issued the Rescript of 11 April 1682, in which he voided and annulled all that the assembly had done regarding the regale; he also refused Bulls to all members of the assembly who were proposed for vacant bishoprics.

In the same way Alexander VIII, by a Constitution dated 4 August 1690, quashed as detrimental to the Holy See the proceedings both in the matter of the regale and in that of the declaration on the ecclesiastical power and jurisdiction, which had been prejudicial to the clerical estate and order. The bishops designated to whom Bulls had been refused received them at length, in 1693, only after addressing to Pope Innocent XII a letter in which they disputed everything that had been decreed in that assembly regarding the ecclesiastical power and the pontifical authority. The king wrote to the pope (14 September 1693) to announce that a royal order had been issued against the execution of the edict of 23 March 1682.

Despite these disavowals, the Declaration of 1682 remained thenceforward the living symbol of Gallicanism, professed by the great majority of the French clergy, obligatorily defended in the faculties of theology, schools, and seminaries, guarded against the lukewarmness of French theologians and the attacks of foreigners by the inquisitorial vigilance of the French parliaments, which never failed to condemn to suppression every work that seemed hostile to the principles of the Declaration.

From France, Gallicanism spread, about the middle of the eighteenth century, into the Low Countries, thanks to the works of the jurisconsult Zeger Bernhard van Espen. Under the pseudonym of Febronius, Hontheim introduced it into Germany, where it took the forms of Febronianism and Josephism. The Synod of Pistoia (1786) even tried to acclimatize it in Italy. But its diffusion was sharply arrested by the French Revolution, which took away its chief support by overturning the thrones of kings. Against the Revolution that drove them out and wrecked their sees, nothing was left to the bishops of France but to link themselves closely with the Holy See. After the Concordat of 1801, French Governments made some pretence of reviving, in the Organic Articles, the "Ancient Gallican Liberties" and the obligation of teaching the articles of 1682. Still, ecclesiastical Gallicanism was never again resuscitated except in the form of a vague mistrust of Rome. On the fall of Napoleon and the Bourbons, the work of Lamennais, of "L'Avenir" and other publications devoted to Roman ideas, the influence of Dom Guéranger, and the effects of religious teaching ever increasingly deprived it of its partisans.

When the First Vatican Council opened in 1869, it had in France only timid defenders. When that council declared that the pope has in the Church the abundance of the jurisdiction in matters of faith, morals, discipline, and administration, that his decisions ex-cathedra are of themselves, and without the permission of the Church, infallible and irreformable, it dealt Gallicanism a fatal blow. Three of the four articles were directly condemned. As to the remaining one, the first, the council made no specific declaration; but an essential indication of the Catholic doctrine was given in the condemnation fulminated by Pope Pius IX against the 24th proposition of the Syllabus of Errors, in which it was asserted that the Church could not have recourse to force and is without any temporal authority, direct or indirect. Pope Leo XIII shed more direct light upon the question in his Encyclical Immortale Dei (12 November 1885), where we read: "God has apportioned the government of the human race between two powers, the ecclesiastical and the civil, the former set over things divine, the latter over things human. Each is restricted within limits perfectly determined and defined in conformity with its nature and special aim. There is, therefore, as it were a circumscribed sphere in which each exercises its functions jure proprio". And in the Encyclical Sapientiae Christianae (10 January 1890), the same pontiff adds: "The Church and the State have each its power, and neither of the two powers is subject to the other."

The Église gallicane, or the Gallican Church, was a French Christian denomination founded by a former Roman Catholic priest, Hyacinthe Loyson. Loyson was considered to be the most effective pulpit orator of his day. In 1868, he was summoned to Rome. He was ordered to stop preaching on any controversial subject and to confine himself exclusively to those subjects upon which all Roman Catholics were united in belief.

With Fr. Johann Joseph Ignaz von Döllinger, Hyacinthe Loyson opposed what he saw as reactionary tendencies wrought by Vatican Council I. Loyson openly and publicly questioned how the council was convened. He was also an outspoken opponent of the doctrine of Papal infallibility. In June 1869, Loyson delivered an address before the Ligue Internationale de la Paix, founded by Frédéric Passy, in which he described the Jewish, Catholic, and Protestant religions as the three great religions of civilized peoples. This expression elicited severe censure from the Catholic press.

Ten years later, The New York Times published a jibing headline (October 30, 1883): "The entire Gallican Church, consisting of the Rev. M. LOYSON and his wife, is now in this country. M. LOYSON arrived here on Sunday last, and there is no doubt that his many admirers will warmly receive him.

Source Wikipedia

Église gallicane, tradition apostolique de Gazinet

L'Église gallicane, tradition apostolique de Gazinet est une association loi de 1901, fondée en 2000, qui se veut l'héritière de l'Association cultuelle Saint-Louis, fondée en 1916. C'est une Église catholique indépendante qui n'est reconnue par aucune Église. 

[Nota REM: Mgr Thierry Teyssot pour L’Église Gallicane Tradition Apostolique de Gazinet à Bordeaux, dont il est le Primat. est cité dans la page Historique du site L'EGLISE  CATHOLIQUE,  APOSTOLIQUE, GALLICANE,UNIVERSELLE.( https://eglise-gallicane-universelle.blogspot.com/p/historique.html) et aussi mentioner a deux autres endroits. Alors reconnue parmis les siens.]

L’Église gallicane dite de Gazinet naît le 15 février 1916 par la déclaration de constitution de l'Association cultuelle Saint-Louis. Son siège initial est à Gazinet en Gironde, où une guérisseuse, Maman Mathieu, avait fait construire une église que le clergé local refusait de desservir. Louis-Marie François Giraud, qui avait été ordonné prêtre le 21 juin 1907 par Joseph-René Vilatte et qui fréquentait Maman Mathieu, après avoir fréquenté Ernest Houssay dit l’Abbé Julio qui l'avait consacré évêque le 21 juin 1911, accepte de servir comme évêque de la communauté.

Dès 1922, la communauté publie Le Gallican et développe d'autres lieux de cultes comme à Tours en 1922, Bordeaux en 1936 ou Paris en 1943.

En 1944, le Régime de Vichy interdit l'Église gallicane de Gazinet et ses archives sont dispersées. L'Église renaît cependant après-guerre et en novembre 1945, François Giraud publie une Profession de foi dite de Gazinet (rééditée en 1985 et 1994) qui reste encore une norme pour cette Église.

Après la mort de Bernard-Isidore Jalbert-Ville, c'est Irénée Poncelain d'Eschevannes qui préside aux destinées de cette Église. Il fait reparaître le journal Le Gallican jusqu'à sa mort en 1970.

Cette Église a changé plusieurs fois de dénomination au cours de son histoire. Elle s'est parfois appelée : Église gallicane ; Église catholique apostolique et gallicane, Église catholique apostolique française ; Église catholique française ; Église catholique traditionnelle, Église catholique gallicane autocéphale, Église catholique gallicane.

C'est avec l'élection de Patrick Truchemotte, que l'Église aurait connu « un vrai renouveau » jusqu'en 1986, année de sa mort

Thierry Teyssot  Évêque gallican d'Aquitaine en 1987 

• History Gallican

• Gallicanisme en Nouvelle France

• Seminary Footsteps of Jesus : Gallican Rite

Eglises Gallicane avec site internet (website)

1. L'EGLISE  CATHOLIQUE,  APOSTOLIQUE, GALLICANE,UNIVERSELLE

2. Église Gallicane Universelle Patriarcat de la Commanderie de Gergovie.

3. l’Eglise Gallicane de Gazinet 

4. Chapelle Saint Michel Archange Montbrison

5. Église Catholique Gallicane de France

6. EGLISE CATHOLIQUE APOSTOLIQUE GALLICANE MISSION SAINTE RITA

7. Eglise Catholique Gallicane de Belgique

8. Eglise Catholique Gallicane PRIEURÉ SAINTE RITA

9. Ordinariat Catholique Gallican de la Province Ecclésiastique du Québec

10. Mission catholique gallicane Sainte Jehanne

• Église Gallicane Universelle

• EGO SUM (je suis) Chant gallican du Christ en gloire

• UAG - TV

Other Catholic Churches

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• Michel de Notre-Dame